When Democrat super-lawyer Marc Elias goes on MSNBC and starts sounding the alarm about redistricting, you know something’s up.
And this week, Elias didn’t disappoint—offering a tirade aimed squarely at MAGA-aligned Republicans, accusing them of enabling Donald Trump’s quiet but strategic push to redraw congressional maps in GOP-led states. His tone? Exasperated. His prediction? More lawsuits, more political fights, and a redistricting war that could reshape 2026 before most voters are even paying attention.
Let’s start with the facts. Republican leaders in Indiana met with President Trump in the Oval Office to discuss potentially joining redistricting efforts already underway in places like Texas and Florida. The stated goal? Fairer representation for their states. The political translation? Strengthen GOP strongholds and push back against what they see as hyper-aggressive Democrat-led gerrymandering efforts—particularly in liberal bastions like California.
Now, Elias framed this as nothing less than a MAGA takeover of the redistricting process. He called out Republicans for caving to Trump’s influence, claiming that whether they're enthusiastic or reluctant, they all fall in line eventually. “There’s only proud MAGA and scared MAGA,” Elias said, putting names to categories: DeSantis and Abbott as the bold. Indiana and New Hampshire? The fearful but obedient.
But here’s where things get especially interesting. While Democrats like Elias rail against GOP-led redistricting as a “threat to democracy,” they seem far less troubled when their own governors attempt the same thing. Case in point: Gavin Newsom’s August announcement to push redistricting authority away from California’s independent commission and back into the hands of legislators. The move is projected to eliminate six GOP seats in the state—and despite polling that shows 64% of Californians oppose the shift, Newsom is charging ahead.
The selective outrage is striking. When Republicans redraw maps, it’s gerrymandering. When Democrats do it, it’s “protecting voting rights.” But the playbook is the same: shift political boundaries to secure partisan power. The only difference is who’s holding the pen.
And despite Elias’s promise that lawsuits are coming—and yes, they almost certainly are—the legal system has not been especially swift in shutting down redistricting maneuvers from either side. Courts have been reluctant to wade too deeply into partisan map-making, and the process is notoriously resistant to permanent fixes.
The reality is this: redistricting is part of the American political DNA. Every ten years, the maps change. But what’s happening now—accelerated, mid-cycle map shuffling tied to political alliances and power grabs—is something else entirely. It's not about responding to census data. It’s about stacking the deck before the next election.
Elias may be frustrated, but he’s also revealing the Democrats' growing concern: Trump isn’t just campaigning. He’s organizing. He’s meeting. He’s planning a political battlefield that stretches far beyond rallies and slogans. Redistricting is quiet, technical, and often overlooked. But it’s power—and power, in politics, is everything.